특정 회원에 대한 반말,욕설 글(운영원칙 2,3항) 3회 위반시 접근 차단 조치 됩니다.(원인제공과 관계없이 조치)
하오니, 절대 유념해 주시기 바랍니다.
선거법 위반 및 정치관계법 위반행위 신고는 아래 중앙선거관리 위원회에 신고해 주시기 바랍니다. 중앙선거관리 위원회 http://www.nec.go.kr
To conclude, infrastructure does not satisfy the definition of a pure public good, nor does it necessarily have any of the attributes of a public good. Instead, infrastructure creates benefits to society and the economy (positive externalities) beyond just the private returns that come from its ownership, much in the same manner as education or health care. And given the monopoly-like characteristics of infrastructure, which can lead to pricing which is in excess of what would be reached in a competitive market, there is arguably a role for government to play in participating in the market for, and ownership of, infrastructure.
In theory, there are benefits to private-sector involvement in the designing, building, financing, operating, and maintaining of infrastructure for public use. However, in practice, these benefits have generally fallen short of expectations. Hence, the jury remains out on whether PPPs are actually effective in reaching their stated goals and delivering value for money to taxpayers.
Regarding the Canada Infrastructure Bank, the case for its existence is even less clear than that of PPPs. Is it meant to help increase infrastructure spending in Canada? Sure, but to fill a gap we don’t know with certainty exists. Is it meant to support a financing need? Well, no. Is it meant to increase the overall benefits, or positive externalities, that come from infrastructure investment? Absolutely. But then the question becomes: How will the CIB do this by increasing private ownership of infrastructure assets characterized by near-monopoly pricing power? This question remains unanswered. Does this rule out a role for the CIB? No, but it certainly begs the questions: Why the CIB? Why now? And, why the rush?
Roads are the more commonly misused example of a public good, but we can apply the same logic to transit. First, most transit operations in the US already use a method of exclusion: the turnstyle. Second, we can see that non-rivalrousness is simply a function of over-supply in the case of the subway car that isn’t full to capacity.